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Jordan and Egypt.. Searching for new cards in the East

Jordan has faced, and continues to face, a situation of proximity to Arab crises in Syria and Iraq. These crises recently expanded following the widespread targeting of Arab Gulf states by Iran and its allies in response to American aggression, which sought to achieve its goals through a military strike, leading to widespread instability in the region with repercussions that increase the state of uncertainty. In Egypt, the Libyan and Sudanese neighborhoods were ablaze, to which were added tensions within Ethiopia and developments that threaten to expand conflicts in the Horn of Africa region.

Despite the significant difference in size, resources, and capabilities between Jordan and Egypt, both countries find themselves facing similar challenges related to managing the crises surrounding them, maintaining internal stability, and avoiding involvement in costly military confrontations, while constantly needing to protect their economic and security interests in a region where sources of threat are expanding.

In a region standing on the edge of difficult and costly possibilities, and at a time when many countries find themselves facing choices that could change their strategies for many years to come, Jordan and Egypt currently appear to be in the process of reordering priorities. Although cost-benefit factors are not absent from this, Israel's aggressive behavior has become a common and increasing source of threat, in addition to the specific challenges of each country. Therefore, searching for a "rear area" through which to work on building new partnerships becomes a rational action.

Jordan was a pioneer in its rapprochement with Indonesia in the previous period, and today the Jordanian vision for building exceptional relations with Malaysia is being completed. Both countries consider Jordan a country with which they can talk and trust its assessments within the Middle East. They have interests in a calm and stable region, and they also possess a degree of influence—which is not marginal, by the way—that can be utilized through international relations and multilateral institutions, or by pressuring partners who have the ability to influence the course of events on the ground.

Malaysia does not appear to be just a political destination far from Middle Eastern crises; it is a country that possesses a relatively advanced economic and industrial experience, and broad relations with Asian and international powers, in addition to its position within the Islamic world. This makes it a potential partner in areas that go beyond political stances to investment, trade, and technology, especially for Egypt and Jordan, which need to expand their economic partnerships and not limit them to traditional areas.

At the same time, it cannot be ruled out that Malaysia itself is in a phase of searching for a broader political role, and that its successive reception of a number of leaders within a short period reflects an interest in expanding its international presence. Thus, the matter is not only related to the need of Egypt and Jordan for new partners, but to the intersection of the interests of three countries looking for additional spaces for political and economic movement.

This does not mean that Jordan and Egypt are moving to change their traditional alliances, or that Malaysia and Indonesia can provide security alternatives with the same momentum provided by major powers. However, it does mean that traditional options need a new vision and that reliance on limited cards requires a careful reconsideration in a new world that is taking shape, especially since all global interests are witnessing a season of important transformations. These visits are part of a broader trend toward building relations with countries that have an interest in the stability of the region, without being a direct party to its conflicts or the security arrangements that govern them.

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